Snippet: A Few Rare Constantine Inscriptions
from Saint Constantine the Scapegoat
CIL 10, 1483–1484 · Naples · 324–329
Two parallel dedications by the ordo and people of Naples to Helena:
Piissimae ac clementissimae dominae nostrae Augustae Helenae matri domini nostri victoris semper Augusti Constantini et aviae dominorum nostrorum Caesarum beatorum uxori divi Constantii ordo Neapolitanorum et populus
And:
Piissimae ac venerabili dominae nostrae Helenae Augustae matri domini nostri victoris semper Augusti Constantini et aviae dominorum nostrorum beatissimorum Caesarum ordo et populus Neapolitanus
The double dedication in the same city reflects the standard practice of the ordo and populus acting in concert, but the titulature here is worth examining: Helena is defined consistently through her relationships, mother of Constantine, grandmother of the Caesars, wife of the divine Constantius. She holds no independent political title in the formula except Augusta, granted 324–325. The Neapolitan corpus is particularly rich in Helenian dedications, and these two parallel texts allow direct comparison of how her titulature was standardized across simultaneously issued monuments.
CIL 10, 517 · Salerno · 324–326
Dominae nostrae Flaviae Augustae Helenae divi Constantini castissimae coniugi procreatrici domini nostri Constantini Maximi Piissimi ac Victoris Augusti aviae dominorum nostrorum ⟦Crispi⟧ ⟦et⟧ Constantini et Constanti beatissimorum ac felicium Caesarum Alpinius Magnus vir clarissimus corrector Lucaniae et Bruttiiorum statuit devotus excellentiae pietatique eius
The erasures of Crispus's name and the et that connected him to Constantine the Younger, visible in the damnatio brackets, establish this text as post-326 in its surviving form. The phrase divi Constantini castissimae coniugi, chaste wife of the divine Constantius, is the standard formula; Helena's chastity is consistently emphasized as a political virtue in these dedications. The erasures are the epigraphic signature of the crisis of 326, in which Crispus was executed along with Fausta, whose name is similarly erased in the Sorrento dedication below.
CIL 10, 678 · Sorrento · 324–326
Piissimae ac venerabili d(ominae) n(ostrae) ⟦Faustae⟧ Aug(ustae) ⟦uxori⟧ domini nostri Maximi victoris Augusti Constantini ⟦novercae⟧ ⟦et matri⟧ ddd(ominorum) nnn(ostrorum) ⟦Crispi⟧ Constantini Constanti beatissimorum Caesarum res publica Surrentinorum
Every significant relational term in this inscription, uxori (wife), novercae (stepmother), et matri (and mother), plus both Crispus and presumably Fausta herself, has been erased. The bracket density here is exceptional and makes this one of the most thoroughly defaced inscriptions in the Constantinian corpus. The res publica of Surrentum erected the stone; the systematic erasure was carried out on official orders after the executions of 326. The novercae erasure is particularly telling: once Fausta was condemned, even the record of her relationship to the sons of Constantine was suppressed.
Inscription at Florence (March 1, 317-c. 321)
IMP(eratori) CAES(ari) FL(avio) VAL(erio) CONSTANTINO MAXIMO P(io) F(elici) AVG(usto) FLORENTIA DEVOTA NVMINI MAIESTATIVEQVE EIVS D(ono) D(edit) [CIL XI 1593]
This inscription (CIL XI 6671a) from Florence commemorates Constantine's restoration of a path. The inscription's chronological range reflects uncertainty about precisely when the restoration project was undertaken. Florence, as a major Tuscan city, occupied importance in the Italian urban network. Constantine's documented restoration of a path in Florence shows his attention to urban infrastructure and his commissioning of public works in major Italian cities. The Florence inscription shows Constantine's attention to urban infrastructure in major Italian cities. By commissioning restoration of a path, Constantine was ensuring that urban infrastructure remained functional and that cities benefited from imperial patronage. The inscription ensured that future generations would remember Constantine's role in maintaining the city's infrastructure. The preservation of this inscription in the modern epigraphic record allows scholars to identify the geographical distribution of Constantine's documented attention to urban development throughout Italy.
CIL VI 1139 · Arch of Constantine, Rome · 315–316
Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) Fl(avio) Constantino Maximo / P(io) F(elici) Augusto s(enatus) p(opulus)q(ue) R(omanus) / quod instinctu divinitatis mentis / magnitudine cum exercitu suo / tam de tyranno quam de omni eius / factione uno tempore iustis / rem publicam ultus est armis / arcum triumphis insignem dicavit
The most debated inscription in Constantinian studies. Instinctu divinitatis, by the prompting of divinity, is the Senate's carefully chosen language: deliberately ambiguous between Sol Invictus, the Christian God, and a generic supreme deity. The phrase mentis magnitudine attributes the victory jointly to divine impulse and Constantine's own greatness of mind. The Senate erected this, not Constantine himself, which explains the theologically neutral formulation. The lateral panels add Liberatori urbis and Fundatori quietis, liberator of the city and founder of peace, which became the standard Constantinian self-presentation after 312.
CIL VI 1140 · Rome · 314–315
D(omino) n(ostro) restitutori humani generis propagatori imperii dicionisq(ue) Romanae fundatori etiam securitatis aeternae Fl(avio) Val(erio) Constantino Felici Maximo Pio semper Augusto filio divi Constanti semper et ubique venerabilis C(aius) C{a}eionius Rufius Volusianus v(ir) c(larissimus) consul ordinarius praef(ectus) urbi vice sacra iudicans numini maiestatique eius dicatissimus
Erected by Volusianus, urban prefect and ordinary consul, one of the last great pagan senatorial aristocrats. The titulature restitutori humani generis, restorer of the human race, goes further than any other early Constantinian formula. Combined with fundatori securitatis aeternae, this begins to sound like eschatological language applied to an emperor. Volusianus himself almost certainly remained pagan, making this all the more interesting as an expression of how pagan elites framed Constantine's reign.
CIL VI 1141 · Rome · 334–335
D(omino) n(ostro) Constantino maximo / Pio Felici ac triumphatori semper Augusto / ob amplificatam toto orbe rem publicam factis consultisq(ue) / s(enatus) p(opulus)q(ue) R(omanus) / dedicante Anicio Paulino Iuniore c(larissimo) v(iro) cons(ule) ord(inario) praef(ecto) urbi
Senate and people of Rome, late in Constantine's reign, honoring him for having amplificatam toto orbe rem publicam, the res publica enlarged across the whole world. By 334–335, after the defeat of Licinius and the founding of Constantinople, this is a realistic claim. The dedicating consul Anicius Paulinus belongs to the same network of senatorial families as Volusianus above, a pagan family honoring the Christian emperor in traditional language.
CIL 6, 1155 · Rome · 317
Flavio Valerio Crispo nobilissimo Caesari filio domini nostri Constantini maximi adque Invicti semper Augusti et nepoti divi Constanti Ovinius Gallicanus vir clarissimus praefectus urbi et iudex sacrarum cognitionum devotus numini maiestatique eius
Dedicated to Crispus by Ovinius Gallicanus, urban prefect, in 317, the year of Crispus's elevation to Caesar. This stone was not erased, the damnatio erasure of Crispus's name is characteristic of inscriptions erected by official bodies like city councils; private dedications by individuals appear to have been erased less consistently. The formula nobilissimo Caesari filio presents the standard legitimate sonship formula. Crispus is described as grandson of the divine Constantius, nepoti divi Constanti, which was the Constantinian dynasty's crucial legitimating link to the Herculian dynasty of Diocletian's system.
CIL VI 40777 · Rome · 326–333
Inlustri et divinae prosap[iae] genitae venerabili soror[i] d(omini) n(ostri) Constantini Aug(usti) et amitae dd(ominorum) nn(ostrorum) b{a}eatissimorum Ca[ess(arum)] d(ominae) n(ostrae) Fl(aviae) Iul(iae) Constantiae nob[iliss(imae)] [feminae
Dedicated to Flavia Julia Constantia, Constantine's full sister and wife of Licinius, after Licinius's defeat and execution in 324. The opening inlustri et divinae prosapiae genitae, born of illustrious and divine lineage, is the most rhetorically elevated opening of any inscription in this corpus, and the double relational formula that follows, venerabili sorori domini nostri Constantini and amitae dominorum nostrorum Caesarum, defines her entirely through her proximity to Constantine and his sons, the latter being her nephews. The stone is fragmentary at the base, likely cutting off a dedicant's name and formula.
Constantia's position after 324 was singular: the widow of the defeated and executed Licinius, she remained at Constantine's court as a protected figure, and Eusebius records that she interceded with Constantine on behalf of individuals condemned after the civil war. A dedication of this formality and rhetorical register implies official sanction rather than private initiative.
Inscription at Theveste (October 28, 312-April 30, 313)
Located in North Africa, this inscription (BCTH 1930-1931, 306-309) dates to the period immediately following Constantine's victory at the Milvian Bridge. Theveste represented a significant urban center in the Roman African provinces. Like other inscriptions from this period, this stone commemorated Constantine's administrative authority and presence in the African regions that now fell under his control following the defeat of Maxentius. The inscription contributes to the geographical pattern of Constantine's documented activity across the Mediterranean world during his early reign. The African inscriptions, including those from Theveste, Sicca Veneria, and other North African cities, provide crucial evidence for Constantine's administrative priorities and his strategy of establishing centralized control over distant provinces through inscription and other public monuments. The concentration of Constantinian inscriptions in African cities suggests particular imperial attention to this economically important region. North African cities, rich in agricultural resources and supporting dense urban populations, represented crucial sources of wealth and tax revenue for the imperial government. Constantine's systematic establishment of his authority through inscriptions and administrative actions in these cities reflected his recognition of their strategic importance.
Inscription CIL VIII 18261 from Lambaesis, Numidia (312)
It is a verse acclamation of Constantine, likely composed shortly after the defeat of Maxentius in 312 or possibly after Licinius in 324, from Lambaesis, the great legionary base in Numidia. The crosses (cruces) reference is notable and much discussed ; it may refer to punishment crosses or to the Christian symbol, and the debate about which is unresolved.
Constant[i]ne / tuos sic semper / malis iratos / cernimus Augg(ustos) / malis et pace / potimur / cum et in hoc G[e]nio / sese provin/cia monstr[e]t / nam po[ni]t ille / cruces et proe/lia saeva tyranni
"Constantine, we thus always see your Augustuses wrathful against evil men; against evil men we also enjoy peace, when the province shows itself in this Genius also; for he lays down crosses and the savage battles of the tyrant."
CIL VIII 18261 · Lambaesis, Numidia · c. 310–330
Constant[i]ne / tuos sic semper / malis iratos / cernimus Augg(ustis) / malis et pace / potimur / cum et in hoc G[e]nio sese provincia monstr[e]t / nam po[ni]t ille / cruces et proelia saeva tyranni
A verse carmen (CLE 278) from the legionary base at Lambaesis. The word cruces, he lays down crosses, is the most discussed element: whether this refers to punishment crucifixions ended by Constantine's legislation, or to the Christian sign, is unresolved. The phrase proelia saeva tyranni almost certainly refers to the defeat of Maxentius in 312. Composed very shortly after the battle of the Milvian Bridge. The Genius of the province appearing in an inscription that also mentions crosses and the defeat of a tyrant is a striking combination of traditional and emerging religious idiom.
CIL XIV 131 · Ostia Antica · 312–324
Restitutori publicae libertatis defensori urbis Romae communis omnium salutis auctori d(omino) n(ostro) Imp(eratori) Fl(avio) Val(erio) Constantino Pio Felici Invicto semper Aug(usto) codicari(i) nabiculari(i) infernates devoti n(umini) m(aiestati)q(ue) eius curante Aur(elio) Victoriano v(iro) p(erfectissimo) praef(ecto) ann(onae)
Dedicated by the codicarii, barge-operators, and navicularii of Ostia. The accumulated epithets restitutori publicae libertatis, defensori urbis Romae, communis omnium salutis auctori are the fullest early expression of the post-Maxentius propaganda line: Constantine as liberator, not conqueror. The annona context connects this to the grain supply, making it a concrete administrative monument as well as a political one.
CIL VIII 7005 · Cirta (Constantine), Numidia
Perpetuae securitatis ac libertatis auctori domino nostro Flavio Valerio Constantino Pio Felici Invicto ac semper Aug(usto) Iallius Antiochus v(ir) p(erfectissimus) praeses prov(inciae) Numid(iae) devotus Numini maiestatique eius
The governor of Numidia, Iallius Antiochus, dedicating to perpetuae securitatis ac libertatis auctor, author of perpetual security and liberty. The city of Cirta had been renamed Constantina in Constantine's honor. The devotus numini maiestatique formula appears throughout the African corpus and is important to watch: in early inscriptions it is indistinguishable from pagan imperial cult; in later ones its meaning shifts as Christianity becomes official.
CIL VIII 7006 · Cirta (Constantine), Numidia
Triumphatori omnium gentium ac domitori universaru[m factionum] q[u]i libertatem tenebris servitutis oppressam sua felici vi[ctoria] [nova] luce inluminavit d(omino) n(ostro) Flavio Valerio Constant[ino] Maximo Pio Felici Invicto Aug(usto)
The language here, libertatem tenebris servitutis oppressam sua felici victoria nova luce inluminavit, liberty oppressed by the darkness of servitude illuminated by his victorious new light, is remarkable. The nova lux metaphor applied to Constantine's victory is so close to the language of Christian baptismal and solar theology that it has generated substantial scholarly debate. Whether this reflects conscious Christian influence, solar monotheism, or simply the pervasive light symbolism of late antique panegyric, it is one of the most theologically charged formulae in the African corpus.
CIL VIII 15451 · Uchi Maius, Africa Proconsularis · 312
[Do]mino triumfi libertatis et nostro / restitutori invictis laboribus suis / privatorum et / publicae salutis / L(ucio!) Flavio Valerio / Constantino per/petuo semper Aug(usto) r(es) p(ublica) / col(oniae) U(chitanorum) M(aiorum) devotorum / Numini maiestati/que eius in aeternum
In aeternum, dedicated to his numen and majesty in eternity. This is language appropriate to a deity, and it appears in 312, the same year as the Milvian Bridge. The city council of Uchi Maius frames Constantine as dominus triumfi libertatis, lord of the triumph of liberty, and the phrase invictis laboribus suis is unusual, attributing his victory to his own unconquered labors rather than to divine favor. Together with the in aeternum formula, this is one of the more complex theological-political statements in the African group.
CIL VIII 24560 · Carthage
Dominis nostris P[...] / Fl(avio) Iulio Cri[spo...] et / Fl(avio) Claud[io Constantino...C]aesss(aribus)
Fragmentary, but notable for naming Crispus alongside Constantine the Younger as Caesars, before Crispus's execution in 326. Any epigraphic evidence for Crispus is significant given the systematic erasure of his name after his death, the phenomenon known as the damnatio memoriae of Crispus, which is visible throughout the database in the ⟦erasure brackets⟧ that accompany his name in dozens of other inscriptions.
CIL VIII 1016 · Carthage
D(omino) n(ostro) Fl(avio) Constantino maximo / Pio Felici Invicto Augusto / Domitius Latronianus v(ir) c(larissimus) proco(n)s(ul) p(rovinciae) A(fricae) et / Vettius Piso Severus v(ir) c(larissimus) cur(ator) rei p(ublicae) Kart(haginis) / Numini eius semper dicatissimi
The proconsul of Africa and the curator of the res publica of Carthage together dedicate this stone. The pairing of a proconsul and a curator in a single dedication is administratively unusual and suggests the inscription commemorates a specific joint act, possibly connected to the Donatist crisis, which was tearing through exactly this administrative layer of Africa in the same period.
CIL 8, 7011 · Cirta (Constantine), Numidia · 333–337
Perpetuae Victoriae dddd(ominorum) nnnn(ostrorum) Constantini Maximi triumphatoris semper Augusti et Constantini et Constanti et Constantis nobilissimorum ac florentissimorum Caesarum Clodius Celsinus vir clarissimus consularis provinciae Numidiae devotus semper Numini maiestatiqueorum
The dedication to Perpetua Victoria of all four rulers, Constantine and his three sons, rather than to the emperors themselves by name is unusual. Dedicating to an abstraction (Perpetuae Victoriae) rather than the imperial person was a way of honoring the dynasty while avoiding the cumbersome titulature required when all four had to be named. The consularis of Numidia uses the four-emperor formula, meaning this belongs to the period after Constans was raised to Caesar in 333. Cirta had been renamed Constantina in Constantine's honor, making this a dedication to perpetual victory in a city that was itself a monument to his name.
BCTH 1930–31 · Theveste (Tébessa), Africa Proconsularis · 312–313
D(omino) n(ostro) Fl(avio) Valerio Constantino P(io) F(elici) Inv(icto) Aug(usto) devoti Numini Maiestati/que Eius Thevest(enses) d(ono) d(ederunt)
Short, but the city council dedicate explicitly devoti numini maiestatique eius, the formula is the standard one, but in a city that would within months become a major site of the Donatist controversy, having just witnessed the surrender of traditores under Diocletian's persecution, the inscription's banal imperial loyalty carries context that the stone itself cannot show.
ILAlg I 3903 · Thagaste (Souk Ahras), Numidia · 337–339
D(omino) n(ostro) / Flavio / Claudio / Constan/tino [P(io)] Fe(lice) / [August]o
This is Thagaste, the birthplace of Augustine. The inscription dates to immediately after Constantine I's death, Constantine II is now Augustus.
The juxtaposition of this administrative continuity stone with the city's later role as Augustine's home, Augustine whose entire theological formation was shaped by the Donatist crisis Constantine had tried and failed to resolve, gives this fragment a resonance the stonecutter could not have anticipated.
CIL VIII 7010 · Cirta (Constantine), Numidia
Restitutori lib[ertatis] / et conservatori t[otius orbis] / d(omino) n(ostro) Flavio Val(erio) Cons[tantino] / victoriosissimo et m[aximo] / Aug(usto) Iulius Iuvenal[is v(ir) p(erfectissimus)] / rat(ionalis) Numidiae et Mau[reta]niarum d(evotus) N(umini) m(aiestati)q(ue) ei[us]
The rationalis, fiscal superintendent, of Numidia and the Mauretanias dedicates. The twin epithets restitutori libertatis et conservatori totius orbis appear together here and represent the two-part Constantinian claim: he restored freedom (from Maxentius) and now sustains the whole world. The totius orbis formula becomes standard after 324 and the defeat of Licinius, but appears earlier in African inscriptions with striking confidence.
Inscription at Sicca Veneria (October 28, 312-April 30, 313)
This inscription (CIL VIII 10090, 22176) from Sicca Veneria in North Africa dates to the same general period as the Theveste inscription. Sicca Veneria, located in the interior of the African province, occupied a position of regional importance for trade and administration. The inscription again documents Constantine's systematic establishment of his authority throughout the African provinces. The concentration of several Constantinian inscriptions dating to this same period from different African cities suggests coordinated imperial policy rather than isolated local actions. The cluster of African inscriptions from 312-313 demonstrates Constantine's rapid consolidation of power following his victory at the Milvian Bridge.
Inscriptions, whether commemorating construction projects, restoring facilities, or announcing new administrative arrangements, served as powerful instruments of imperial self-presentation and communication of central authority. By placing his name, titles, and achievements on stone in cities across the African provinces, Constantine ensured that urban elites and the general population would encounter repeated reminders of his power and legitimacy. The cumulative effect of multiple such inscriptions across multiple cities created a comprehensive picture of strong central imperial authority reaching effectively into distant provinces.
First Inscription at Mascula (312-October 8, 316)
This inscription from Mascula in North Africa (CIL VIII 2241), noted by Gruenewald as possibly spurious, presents complex problems of historical authentication. The inscription is dated provisionally to the period spanning from Constantine's victory at the Milvian Bridge through his separation from his co-ruler Licinius following the Battle of Civitate Martiorum. The notation of possible spuriousness indicates scholarly debate about whether the inscription genuinely dates to this period or whether it represents a later copy or inscription with altered or fabricated text. Mascula's location in the African provinces placed it within Constantine's direct administrative zone. The inclusion of this possibly spurious inscription in comprehensive catalogs of Constantinian material reflects scholarly practice of recording problematic or disputed items with appropriate qualification. The processes of stone cutting, weathering, damage, and medieval or modern restoration can obscure or alter inscriptions, leading to uncertainties about original text and dating. In the case of African inscriptions particularly, the damage caused by centuries of exposure to North African climate and the disruptions following Constantine's period can make precise evaluation of stones difficult. Scholars must weigh paleographic evidence, content analysis, and archaeological context to assess the reliability of inscriptions, and reasonable scholars sometimes reach different conclusions about authenticity or dating.
CIL VIII 2241 (First Mascula) · Khenchela, Numidia · 312–316
Virtvti Avgvstor(um) DD(ominorum) NN(ostrorum) Imp(eratoris) Constantini Max(imi) Aug(usti) et Licini Aug(usti) Masculitani V(otum) S(olverunt) L(ibentes) M(erito)
Dedicated jointly to Constantine and Licinius, it belongs to the period of their co-rule before the final rupture. Virtuti Augustorum, to the Valor of the Augusti, is the dedicatory formula. Mascula was a military zone and the virtue honored is explicitly martial. The dedication by the Masculitani as a vow fulfilled (votum solverunt libentes merito) suggests a specific occasion , possibly a local military success or the anniversary of an imperial event.
Second Inscription at Mascula (April 30, 313-c. 321)
The existence of multiple inscriptions from the same city spanning several years suggests sustained imperial attention to Mascula and possibly multiple waves of restoration or construction activity in the city. The multiplication of inscriptions from the same communities over time creates a layered record of repeated imperial intervention and patronage.
The second Mascula inscription illustrates how major cities received multiple doses of imperial attention and imperial monumental commemoration over years or decades. By repeatedly commissioning inscriptions celebrating imperial generosity and authority, Constantine ensured that these communities maintained permanent visible records of imperial favor. The religious significance of some Constantinian inscriptions combined with their civic significance created complex meanings that appealed simultaneously to Christian and non-Christian elements of urban populations. Modern scholars examining inscriptions from the same cities can observe patterns of imperial attention and changing imperial priorities over time.
CIL 13, 8502 · Deutz (Divitia), Germania Inferior · 315–335
Virtute domini Constantini Maximi Pii Felicissimi Invicti Augusti suppressis domitisque Francis in eorum terris castrum Divitensium sub praesentia principis sui devoti Numini maiestatique duoetvicensimani vota fecerunt
Dedicated by the soldiers of Legio XXII to the valor of Constantine after the suppression of the Franks, with Constantine himself present at the founding of the fortress at Divitia (modern Deutz, across the Rhine from Cologne). The phrase sub praesentia principis sui is significant: the inscription records a foundation performed in the physical presence of the emperor. The suppressis domitisque Francis is one of the most direct epigraphic attestations of the Frankish campaigns. Divitia was a bridgehead fortress directly connected to the fortification of the Rhine frontier, and the vow formula (vota fecerunt) suggests this was set up as a unit dedication at the fortress's consecration.
InscrIt-13, 02, 00042 and 00043 · Filocalus Calendar, Rome · c. 354
The two Philocalus calendar fragments (EDCS 37801311 and 37801312) are not stone inscriptions in the strict epigraphic sense but are the Chronograph of 354, preserved in medieval manuscript copies. They contain calendrical entries treating Constantinian anniversaries as official festival days. The relevant entries from the calendar, which record games (circenses) on these dates:
25 February (III Kal. Mart.): natalis divi Constantini circenses missus, birthday of the divine Constantine, with circus games
29 March (III Kal. Apr.): natalis divi Constantini circenses missus XXIIII, a second birthday entry (reflecting either a textual problem or the distinction between natalis and natalis divi)
25 July (VIII Kal. Aug.): natalis divi Constantini circenses missus XXIIII
7 August (VII Idus Aug.): natalis Constantii circenses, birthday of Constantius II
3 July (V Non. Iul.): fugato Licinio circenses missus XXIIII, games commemorating the flight/defeat of Licinius
July 15 and 12: adventus divi circenses, arrival of the divine one (Constantine), celebrated with games twice in July
6 November (VIII Idus Nov.): natalis Nervae et Constantii circenses missus XLVIII, joint celebration
25 December (VIII Kal. Ian.): natalis Invicti circenses missus XXX, birthday of the Unconquered, Sol Invictus festival
The Philocalus Calendar is the primary evidence for how Constantinian anniversaries were integrated into the official Roman festival cycle. The natalis Invicti on December 25 appears alongside Christian feast observances earlier in the same document, and the three separate natalis divi Constantini entries have generated substantial debate about which date was considered official. The fugato Licinio entry in July, commemorating Licinius's defeat as an annual festival with games, shows how the civil war victory over Licinius was institutionalized in the Roman calendar as an official occasion for celebration.
CIL 7, 1153 · Conington, Britannia · 317–326
Domino nostro Flavio Iulio Crispo nobilissimo Caesari Flavi Constantini Maximi Pii filio divi Constanti Pii nepoti
A British milestone dedication to Crispus, not erased. The survival of Crispus's name undefaced in Britain reflects the geographic limits of the damnatio enforcement: the further from the administrative center, the less systematically erasures were carried out. This is one of a small number of British inscriptions directly naming Crispus. The genealogical chain, Flavi Constantini Maximi Pii filio divi Constanti Pii nepoti, presents the same legitimating formula as the Roman dedication above, with Constantius Chlorus positioned as the dynasty's divine ancestor.
CIL 8, 22853 / ILTun 106 · El Jem (Thysdrus), Africa Proconsularis · 326–333
beatissimo saeculo ddd(ominorum) nnn(ostrorum) Imp(eratoris) Flavi Constantini maximi victoris ac triumfatoris semper Augusti Constantini et Constanti nobilissimorum... Caesarum in meliorem faciem mac[ellum restitutum]
A restoration of the macellum, the food market, at Thysdrus, the city whose great amphitheater is the best-preserved in North Africa. The formula in meliorem faciem, restored to a better appearance, is the standard urban renovation formula. The three-emperor titulature dates this between 326 and Constans's elevation in 333. The beatissimo saeculo opening is characteristic of African public building inscriptions of this period and performs the ideological function of attributing civic renewal to imperial felicity.
BCTH 1946/49 · El Left, Africa Proconsularis · 326–333
Pro salute ddd(ominorum) nnn(ostrorum) Constantini Maximi Augusti et Constantini et Constanti nobb(ilissimorum) Caess(arum) insolitu(m) fastigii opus erectum est deductum longo tractu ninfio [aquaeductu?]
A water supply construction, nimfio is nymphaeum, the terminal building of an aqueduct, built for the safety of the three emperors. The phrase insolitum fastigii opus, a work of unusual height, suggests an unusually tall nymphaeum or water tower. Water infrastructure inscriptions are among the most practically revealing in the Constantinian African corpus, as they show continued substantial public investment in civic amenities well after the Donatist crisis had destabilized ecclesiastical life in the same region.
CIL 3, 7187-7189 · Pergamum · 333–337
DD(ominis) nn(ostris) Constantini maximi victoris ac triumfatoris semper Augusti et Constantini et Constantii et Constantis ⟦nobilissimorum Caesarum⟧ «Invictorum Augustorum» I
The overwriting here, nobilissimorum Caesarum erased and replaced with Invictorum Augustorum, records an in situ epigraphic correction. Constantine's three sons were elevated from Caesars to Augusti after Constantine I's death in 337, and this stone was physically altered to reflect the change in status. The alteration is unusually well-documented in this Pergamene series and gives direct physical evidence of how existing inscriptions were updated to track dynastic changes rather than replaced entirely.
ZPE 65, 232 / AE 1987, 963 · Qasr Azraq (Basienis), Arabia · 333
Perpetuae victoriae ddd(ominorum) nnn(ostrorum) Constantini maximi victoris ac triumfatoris semper Augusti et Constantini et Constanti nobb(ilissimorum) Caess(arum) veterem stationem Amatham olim neglectam et ruina conlapsam restaurari iussit Flavius Severinus vir perfectissimus dux Orientis curante Vincentio protectore anno Dalmati et Zenofili vv(irorum) cc(larissimorum) consulum
The statio at Qasr Azraq, a desert fort in what is now eastern Jordan on the edge of the Syrian steppe, was restored by Flavius Severinus, dux Orientis, in 333, the consular date anno Dalmati et Zenofili fixes this precisely. The site is part of the limes Arabicus, the eastern desert frontier chain. The formula olim neglectam et ruina conlapsam restaurari iussit, long neglected and having fallen into ruin, he ordered it restored, is standard for frontier rehabilitation inscriptions. The dedication to Perpetua Victoria again (cf. the Cirta stone) rather than the emperors directly is consistent with the frontier military habit of framing imperial loyalty in terms of military success rather than personal devotion.
CIL 10, 1125 · Atripalda (Abellinum) · 337–350
C(aio) Iulio Rufiniano Ablabio Tatiano c(larissimo) v(iro) Rufiniani oratoris filio fisci patrono rationum summarum adlecto inter consulares iudicio divi Constantini legato provinciae Asiae correctori Tusciae et Umbriae consulari Aemiliae et Liguriae pontifici Vestae matris et in collegio pontificum promagistro sacerdoti Herculis consulari Campaniae
This is a career inscription for a high official who held multiple priesthoods, pontifex Vestae matris, promagister of the pontifical college, priest of Hercules, while simultaneously holding multiple provincial governorships under iudicium divi Constantini: admission to the consular rank by Constantine's personal judgment. The coexistence of traditional pagan priesthoods with high official status under Constantine is significant; despite Constantine's Christianity, pagan senatorial careers continued uninterrupted, and the iudicium divi Constantini phrase shows the administrative elite using Constantinian patronage language while maintaining traditional religious roles.
ILAlg 1, 2115 · Madauros (M'Daourouch) · undated
Apuleio philosopho Platonico Madaurenses cives ornamento suo d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ecunia) p(ublica)
Followed on the same stone by:
D(omino) n(ostro) divi Constantini Maximi fil(io)
This is the base that famously carries both the dedication to Apuleius by his hometown and a Constantinian dynastic inscription. Madauros was Apuleius's birthplace, and the city was sufficiently proud of him to erect a statue in his honor, making this the key physical evidence that Apuleius was still receiving civic honors in the fourth century. The juxtaposition on a single stone of a dedication to the pagan philosopher-magician and a Constantinian imperial dedication is one of the more striking documents of how late antique African cities managed their dual cultural inheritance.